Monday, March 30, 2026

SD-9 Delegates Removed from the Texas GOP Convention for Upholding Party Platform Principles

 

SD-9 Delegates Removed from the Texas GOP Convention for Upholding Party Platform Principles

Opposition to the Keller ISD split without a public vote put grassroots Republicans at odds with party leadership—and cost them their place as delegates.


About a year ago, residents of the Keller Independent School District were confronted with a proposal that stunned the community. Behind closed doors, members of the school board advanced a plan to fundamentally restructure the district—first by renaming it “Alliance ISD,” and then by splitting it into two separate districts, one of which would reclaim the name “Keller ISD.” This was not a minor administrative adjustment, but a sweeping structural transformation affecting governance, taxation, school zoning, and the identity of the community itself.

And it was attempted without a vote of the people.

From the beginning, that fact alone set off alarm bells across the community. This was not a routine administrative decision. It was a proposal that would permanently alter the structure of a public institution, redistribute resources, redraw boundaries, and reshape the educational landscape for thousands of families. Yet the people most affected—the parents, taxpayers, and voters—were not given a direct say in whether it should happen.

The plan ultimately collapsed under intense public pressure. But what followed made clear that this was not merely a local controversy. It exposed a deeper dividing line within the Republican Party itself: between those willing to move forward without consent, and those insisting that our stated principles actually mean what they say.

The 2024 Republican Party of Texas Platform is not vague on this point. It explicitly affirms that “government properly exists by the consent of the governed” (Plank 11) . That is not rhetorical flourish. It is the foundation of republican government itself. And yet, in Keller ISD, a small group of officials attempted to carry out a transformational restructuring without ever seeking that consent. There was no referendum, no binding vote, no mechanism by which the governed could actually govern.

That is not self-government. That is authority substituting itself for consent.

The platform reinforces this principle in multiple ways. It calls for limiting government power to its proper bounds (Principles §4) , yet a school board’s authority to administer a district does not extend to redefining the district itself without the people. It affirms that parental rights are foundational (Plank 17) , yet a decision directly affecting where children attend school and how resources are allocated was advanced without giving parents the deciding voice. And it emphasizes accountability in the exercise of authority (Plank 10) , yet this proposal emerged from closed-door discussions, only becoming public after it had already taken shape.

By the time the public became aware of the proposal, it had already moved beyond casual discussion. Reporting indicates that Tim Davis represented Keller ISD during the split effort and was alleged to have been instrumental in developing the legal strategy behind it. If accurate, that suggests the effort had progressed into structured planning and execution before the public was ever brought into the conversation. That alone raises serious questions—not just about the proposal itself, but about the process used to develop it.

Then came a sequence of events that is difficult to ignore.

On March 10, 2025, State Representative David Lowe filed House Bill 4156, legislation addressing the creation of new school districts by detachment and ensuring that such actions would require a structured process, including voter approval. Just four days later, on March 14, the Keller ISD split was abruptly abandoned.

The stated reasons were financial and administrative. The district faced approximately $700 million in existing bond debt, and a split would require tens of millions in additional funding to allocate that debt fairly. At the same time, the Texas Education Agency had begun reviewing complaints regarding the district’s governance, including concerns about transparency. The superintendent had already resigned in opposition to the plan.

Each of these factors is significant. Together, they raise a simple and unavoidable question: why did a plan that had advanced so far collapse so quickly?

This article does not speculate. But the timeline speaks for itself.

What followed is just as important.

House Bill 4156 was not an isolated effort. It was reinforced at the state level. On May 15, 2025, State Representative Charlie Geren filed House Bill 5089, an identical measure. State Representative Nate Schatzline publicly emphasized the importance of community voice, transparency, and accountability, explicitly framing the outcome in Keller ISD as an example of the will of the people being heard.

This matters.

Because it demonstrates that the demand for a referendum was not a fringe reaction or a temporary political position. It was a position shared and advanced by conservative Republican legislators—and it was entirely consistent with the principles laid out in the Republican Party platform.

In other words, the dividing line is clear.

Those who sought to split the district without a vote were acting contrary to our stated principles.

Those who insisted on a referendum were acting in alignment with them.

I write this not as an outside observer, but as someone directly involved at the time. I was serving as District Director for State Representative David Lowe, and in that capacity I addressed the Keller ISD School Board twice on his behalf—first to state clearly that a decision of this magnitude should not be conducted without a general referendum, and then to announce that he would be filing legislation to require such a vote. I was also personally engaged in the issue, speaking out publicly as these events unfolded, and I was proud to do so—upholding the conservative principles of our Party Platform.

What I saw firsthand were not citizens resisting solutions, but citizens insisting on process—parents and taxpayers who understood something fundamental: that how a decision is made matters just as much as the decision itself.

Because process is not secondary.

Process is the safeguard of principle.

That is why what happened next is so troubling.

According to reporting by the Fort Worth Star-Telegram, several Republicans who opposed the Keller ISD split were later removed from the delegate list for the Texas GOP Convention.

We voted in the Republican primary.
We attended our precinct convention.
We followed the rules.

And yet we were excluded.

My wife and I were ultimately excluded from serving as delegates after I publicly opposed the Keller ISD split and advocated for a referendum—raising serious questions about whether adherence to the Republican Party Platform is being treated as a disqualifying position.

I have spent more than four decades working within the Republican Party in Texas—as a grassroots volunteer, precinct chair, campaign worker, strategist, and legislative staffer. My involvement dates back to the early 1980s, including work on campaigns such as Charlie Evans for State Representative and the Pat Robertson campaign in 1988. I later served as a Precinct Chair in Tarrant County, a member of the County Executive Committee’s Resolutions Committee, and a consultant helping recruit and support Republican candidates at the grassroots level.

My work has also included serving as a strategist, advisor, and campaign manager for State Representative David Lowe, working in the political department of the Don Huffines campaign, and serving as District Director in the Texas House. I have also contributed to policy development as a Bill Analyst for Texas Policy Research, focusing on legislation grounded in limited government, individual liberty, and free enterprise.

My wife and I have consistently supported Republican candidates and causes throughout that time.

Neither of us has ever supported a Democrat—openly or otherwise.

Taken together, these events raise a serious question—not just about a school district, but about the integrity of process itself.

What happens when the public is excluded from a decision of this magnitude?

What happens when that decision is developed without transparency?

And what happens when those who object—on principled, platform-based grounds—are later excluded from participation?

The people of Keller ISD answered part of that question.

They stopped the split.

They insisted on being heard.

And in doing so, they upheld the very principle the platform proclaims: consent of the governed.

The legislators who called for a vote upheld it as well.

The lesson is simple, but it is not optional.

If we are serious about our platform, then we must be consistent.

We cannot claim to believe in consent of the governed, limited government, parental rights, and accountability—and then set those principles aside when they become inconvenient.

Because if those principles do not apply here—

then where do they apply?

Saturday, March 28, 2026

A Breakthrough for Medical Freedom in Texas - Chronic Pain Resolution Passes in Three Senatorial District Conventions

 


A Breakthrough for Medical Freedom in Texas

Chronic Pain Resolution Passes in Three Senatorial District Conventions

By James Scott Trimm

Today marks a significant turning point in the effort to restore medical freedom for chronic pain patients in Texas. What began as a grassroots concern raised at the precinct level has now advanced through three separate Senatorial District Conventions, signaling that this issue is no longer isolated or easily ignored.

Across the state, delegates in SD 9, SD 16, and SD 30 each considered versions of the P.A.R.T. Texas Chronic Pain Resolution. These were not coordinated rubber-stamp actions, but independent deliberations by separate bodies of grassroots activists. Yet all three arrived at the same essential conclusion: current policy governing chronic pain treatment is not working, and it must be corrected.

In SD 9, the resolution was adopted without alteration as a new platform plank. In SD 16, a slightly modified version was adopted, also as a new platform plank. In SD 30, a version of the resolution itself was adopted and included in the official Resolutions Report. While the forms varied slightly, the substance remained intact. Across three districts, the same message emerged — the doctor–patient relationship must be restored, and the rights of chronic pain patients must be protected.

This level of convergence is not accidental. It reflects a growing recognition among grassroots conservatives that something has gone fundamentally wrong in the way chronic pain is treated in this country. For years, policy in this area has drifted away from the principles of limited government and individual liberty, and toward a system dominated by regulatory pressure, corporate compliance, and bureaucratic control.

All three of these Senatorial Districts will now forward their adopted versions of the resolution to the Texas Republican Party Resolutions Committee, where they will be considered for inclusion in the 2026 Texas Republican Party Platform at the State Convention in June. This is how the platform is built — not from the top down, but from the ground up, beginning with ordinary delegates who recognize a problem and take action to address it.

And just as importantly, this is how legislation begins.

In Texas, the party platform is not merely symbolic. It serves as a roadmap for lawmakers heading into the next legislative session. When an issue rises from the precinct level, is adopted at multiple Senatorial District Conventions, and is ultimately incorporated into the state party platform, it creates both political momentum and institutional support for legislative action.

In other words, what happened today is not the end of the process — it is the beginning of it.

If this plank is adopted at the State Convention, it will pave the way for legislation to be filed in the next session of the Texas Legislature. This is how the system is designed to work: a concern raised by grassroots Texans moves through the party structure, becomes a platform priority, and is then translated into concrete legislative proposals.

The importance of this moment becomes even clearer when viewed in the broader context. As previously discussed , the current regulatory environment surrounding chronic pain treatment represents a departure from core conservative principles. Federal prescribing guidelines, originally intended to be advisory, have been transformed in practice into binding rules. They are enforced not through legislation, but through a web of regulatory agencies, insurance requirements, pharmacy policies, and corporate compliance structures. In effect, law has been created without a vote.

The consequences of this shift have been profound. Physicians who once treated chronic pain patients according to their professional judgment now practice under constant pressure and scrutiny. Many have stopped treating pain altogether. Patients who were stable for years under legitimate medical care have found their treatment reduced or eliminated, not because of individual medical need, but because of external rules imposed far outside the exam room.

This system rests on a narrative that does not withstand careful examination. While prescription-related overdose deaths did rise in the early 2000s, they peaked more than a decade ago. The ongoing crisis in overdose deaths has been driven primarily by illicit substances — especially fentanyl and other synthetic opioids — often in combination with stimulants and other drugs. Chronic pain patients and their physicians were not the primary drivers of this crisis, yet they have borne the brunt of the policy response.

From a conservative perspective, this raises a fundamental question: why is government power being directed at lawful patients and doctors instead of the illicit drug market? When policy harms responsible individuals without solving the underlying problem, it is not merely ineffective — it is unjust.

What the resolutions passed today represent is a reassertion of principle. They affirm that medical decisions should be made by patients in consultation with their physicians. They insist that guidelines must remain advisory rather than becoming de facto law. They call for protections for both patients seeking lawful treatment and physicians acting in good faith according to sound medical judgment. These are not radical ideas. They are consistent with the longstanding conservative commitment to limited government, personal responsibility, and individual liberty.

The progress seen today did not occur in a vacuum. It reflects the work of P.A.R.T. Texas (Pain Awareness Right to Treatment), which has sought to bring this issue into focus and give a voice to those who have too often been overlooked. Chronic pain patients are not statistics, and they are not abstractions in a policy debate. They are individuals — Texans — whose lives have been profoundly affected by decisions made far from their own circumstances.

The road ahead remains critical. At the State Convention in June, delegates will determine whether these resolutions become part of the official platform of the Texas Republican Party for 2026. From there, the next step is clear: translating that platform into legislation that restores balance, protects patients, and reestablishes the doctor–patient relationship as the foundation of medical care.

What happened today demonstrates that this issue is gaining traction where it matters most — at the grassroots level. It shows that delegates across multiple districts are recognizing the same problem and moving in the same direction. And it confirms that the pathway from concern to policy to law is not theoretical — it is actively unfolding.

For millions of Texans living with chronic pain, this is more than a procedural step. It is the beginning of a process that can lead to real, tangible change. And for those who believe in the principles of limited government and individual liberty, it is a reminder that those principles must apply consistently — including in the exam room.

The movement to restore medical freedom in Texas has not reached its conclusion.

But after today, it has clearly entered its next phase.

Disclosure: The author serves as President of P.A.R.T. Texas, a 501(c)(4) nonprofit organization advocating for the rights of chronic pain patients and the physicians who treat them. He has been involved in conservative political activism in Texas for more than forty years and previously served as a legislative staffer.

 

The Platform Plank as passed in SD 9

Healthcare Independence
Chronic Pain Care

NEW PLANK

Texans suffering from chronic or intractable pain should have access to compassionate, individualized treatment without unnecessary government interference. Federal prescribing guidelines must remain advisory, not binding. We support protecting the doctor-patient relationship, defending physicians acting in good faith, and ensuring that healthcare decisions remain grounded in personal responsibility, sound medical judgment, and limited government.

 

The Platform Plank as it passed in SD 16

Health and Human Services
Medical Freedom & Informed Consent

NEW PLANK: “Medical Freedom and Chronic Pain”

Be it resolved that federal policies that limit availability of opioids and other pain medicines that prevent access to properly prescribed pain medicine by legitimate, law-abiding pain patients must be reversed.

Be it further resolved that the doctor-patient relationship must be protected, and physicians that act in good faith must be defended from bad government protocols, in order to ensure that healthcare decisions remain grounded in personal responsibility, sound medical judgment, and limited government.

 

The Resolution as it passed in SD 30
 

Resolution Supporting Medical Freedom for Chronic Pain Patients and Their Physicians

WHEREAS, the Republican Party has long championed limited government, individual liberty, personal responsibility, and respect for the doctor-patient relationship; and

WHEREAS, medical freedom is a fundamental component of personal liberty, ensuring that Texans can make healthcare decisions in consultation with their physicians without unnecessary government interference; and

WHEREAS, Texans suffering from chronic or intractable pain deserve access to compassionate, individualized medical care that preserves their dignity, independence, and quality of life; and

WHEREAS, governmental and non-governmental prescribing guidelines intended as advisory recommendations have been treated as binding rules by employers, regulators, insurers, and pharmacies, undermining medical judgment and restricting otherwise legal and legitimate patient care; and

WHEREAS, misapplied governmental and non-governmental guidelines unnecessarily impede physicians from treating chronic pain patients, leaving many Texans without effective treatment for their pain despite responsible compliance with medical advice;


THEREFORE, BE IT RESOLVED, that the Republican Party of Texas affirms its strong support for medical freedom, limited government, and personal responsibility in healthcare decision-making for patients with chronic pain; and

BE IT FURTHER RESOLVED, that we support policies ensuring that governmental and nongovernmental prescribing guidelines for chronic pain remain advisory rather than de facto law within Texas; and

BE IT FURTHER RESOLVED, that we support legislative protections for chronic pain patients seeking lawful treatment and for healthcare providers acting in good faith according to sound medical judgment; and

BE IT FINALLY RESOLVED, that the Republican Party calls upon Texas lawmakers to safeguard medical freedom and protect the doctor-patient relationship from unnecessary intrusion while promoting responsible, ethical medical care for chronic pain consistent with the principles of liberty and accountability.

Friday, March 6, 2026

A Milestone for Medical Freedom in Texas

 


 

A Milestone for Medical Freedom in Texas
Precinct Conventions Advance Resolution Supporting Chronic Pain Patients and Their Physicians

By James Scott Trimm

Last night marked an important milestone in the growing movement to restore medical freedom for chronic pain patients in Texas.

At Republican precinct conventions in both Tarrant County and Dallas County, delegates passed a resolution supporting the rights of chronic pain patients and the physicians who treat them. The resolution will now move forward to the 9th and 16th Senatorial District Conventions, where it will be considered for advancement to the Texas Republican Party State Convention as a potential platform plank.

For millions of Texans living with chronic or intractable pain, this moment represents something many have not felt in years: hope.

For too long, chronic pain policy has been shaped by fear, bureaucracy, and one-size-fits-all guidelines that often override the judgment of physicians and the needs of individual patients. Federal prescribing guidelines that were originally intended to be advisory have too often been treated as if they were binding law, leading insurers, pharmacies, and regulators to impose rigid restrictions that were never approved by Congress and never intended to function as hard limits.

The result has been devastating for many patients.

Across Texas and the nation, responsible patients who followed their doctors’ instructions have seen treatments abruptly reduced or eliminated. Physicians who once provided compassionate care have been pressured to stop treating pain altogether. Many Texans now struggle simply to find a doctor willing to help them manage legitimate medical conditions.

The resolution adopted last night addresses this crisis directly.

It reaffirms core conservative principles — limited government, individual liberty, personal responsibility, and respect for the doctor–patient relationship — and calls for policies ensuring that federal guidelines remain advisory rather than being treated as de facto law.

It also calls for legislative protections for both patients seeking lawful treatment and physicians acting in good faith according to sound medical judgment.

In other words, it restores a principle that should never have been abandoned: medical decisions belong in the exam room, not in distant bureaucracies.

Texas is home to millions of people living with chronic pain.

National public-health estimates show that approximately 51–55 million Americans live with chronic pain, and 17–20 million suffer from high-impact chronic pain that significantly limits their daily activities.

Texas represents roughly 9 percent of the U.S. population. When that ratio is applied to national health data, the implications are staggering.

An estimated 4.6 to 5 million Texans live with chronic pain.

Among them, roughly 1.5 to 1.8 million Texans suffer from severe, life-limiting pain that affects their ability to work, function, and live normal lives.

These are not small numbers. These are not fringe cases.

They are our neighbors, our coworkers, our parents, our spouses, and our friends.

And when you include the family members who care for and support them, the number of Texans directly touched by chronic pain easily reaches into the tens of millions.

This is not a marginal issue in Texas.

It is one of the largest and least-represented medical-freedom issues in the state.

The resolution that passed at precinct conventions states:

Resolution Supporting Medical Freedom for Chronic Pain Patients and Their Physicians

WHEREAS, the Republican Party has long championed limited government, individual liberty, personal responsibility, and respect for the doctor-patient relationship; and

WHEREAS, medical freedom is a fundamental component of personal liberty, ensuring that Texans can make healthcare decisions in consultation with their physicians without unnecessary government interference; and

WHEREAS, Texans suffering from chronic or intractable pain deserve access to compassionate, individualized medical care that preserves their dignity, independence, and quality of life; and

WHEREAS, federal prescribing guidelines intended as advisory recommendations have often been treated as binding rules by regulators, insurers, and pharmacies, undermining medical judgment and restricting legitimate patient care; and

WHEREAS, excessive regulation discourages physicians from treating chronic pain patients, leaving many Texans without effective treatment despite responsible compliance with medical advice;

THEREFORE, BE IT RESOLVED, that the Republican Party of Texas affirms its strong support for medical freedom, limited government, and personal responsibility in healthcare decision-making; and

BE IT FURTHER RESOLVED, that we support policies ensuring federal guidelines remain advisory rather than de facto law within Texas; and

BE IT FURTHER RESOLVED, that we support legislative protections for chronic pain patients seeking lawful treatment and for healthcare providers acting in good faith according to sound medical judgment; and

BE IT FINALLY RESOLVED, that the Republican Party calls upon Texas lawmakers to safeguard medical freedom and protect the doctor-patient relationship from unnecessary regulatory intrusion while promoting responsible, ethical medical care consistent with the principles of liberty and accountability.

This resolution did not appear out of thin air. It is the result of growing grassroots concern from Texans who recognize that chronic pain policy has drifted far from the principles of liberty and responsible medical care.

Helping to spearhead this effort is P.A.R.T. Texas (Pain Awareness Right to Treatment), a new 501(c)(4) organization dedicated to defending the rights of chronic pain patients and the physicians who treat them.

P.A.R.T. Texas is working to bring attention to the unintended consequences of current policy and to promote solutions grounded in both compassion and common sense. The organization believes that Texans suffering from serious medical conditions should not be treated as suspects simply for seeking relief from pain, and that physicians should be free to practice medicine according to their professional judgment without fear of unnecessary regulatory retaliation.

The adoption of this resolution at the precinct level represents an important first step. In the Republican Party of Texas, precinct conventions are where grassroots activists begin shaping the ideas that eventually become party platform planks and legislative priorities.

Last night’s votes show that the issue of medical freedom for chronic pain patients is beginning to resonate with grassroots conservatives.

The resolution now moves to the senatorial district conventions, and if adopted there, it could advance to the state convention where delegates will determine the official platform of the Republican Party of Texas.

The road ahead remains long, but last night demonstrated something powerful:

Texans are beginning to recognize that defending the doctor–patient relationship and protecting the dignity of chronic pain patients is not a fringe issue.

It is a liberty issue.

And the movement to restore that liberty has begun.

— James Scott Trimm

Disclosure: The author serves as President of P.A.R.T. Texas, a 501(c)(4) nonprofit organization advocating for the rights of chronic pain patients and the physicians who treat them. He has been involved in conservative political activism in Texas for more than forty years and previously served as a legislative staffer.

Monday, March 2, 2026

Freedom vs. the Nanny State: Why Conservatives Should Stand Up for Chronic Pain Patients

 

 

Freedom vs. the Nanny State: 
Why Conservatives Should Stand Up for Chronic Pain Patients
By
James Scott Trimm

 

For conservatives and libertarians, the issue of chronic-pain treatment should not be controversial.
It should be obvious.

Over the last decade, Americans have watched the steady expansion of government power into areas that were once considered private, personal, and beyond the reach of bureaucracy. Nowhere has this overreach been more visible than in the exam room, where federal agencies, insurers, pharmacies, and corporate policies increasingly dictate medical decisions that should belong to patients and their physicians.

Instead of trusting individuals and doctors, the system has adopted a paternalistic mindset:

We know what’s best for you — even if you suffer for it.

This strikes directly at core conservative values:

  • personal freedom

  • bodily autonomy

  • limited government

  • personal responsibility

  • the sanctity of the doctor–patient relationship

From a conservative perspective, current chronic-pain policy is not just bad medicine.
It is bad governance.

It represents the nanny state at its worst — overriding medical judgment, restricting lawful treatment, and placing bureaucratic rules above human dignity.

This is a medical-freedom issue, and conservatives should start treating it like one.


When Guidelines Become Law Without a Vote

For most of American history, medical decisions were made by patients and doctors, not by federal regulators.

That changed during the opioid panic of the early 2000s.

Federal agencies issued prescribing guidelines that were supposed to be advisory. They were never passed by Congress, never voted on by the public, and never intended to function as hard limits.

Yet in practice, those guidelines became de facto law.

Regulators enforced them.
Insurance companies enforced them.
Pharmacies enforced them.
Corporate policies enforced them.

Doctors who treated pain aggressively were investigated.
Patients who needed medication were treated as suspects.
Stable, responsible people were forced to taper off treatments that had worked for years.

Instead of individualized care, we got one-size-fits-all rules.

Instead of medical judgment, we got algorithms.

Instead of freedom, we got control.

Conservatives have warned for decades about exactly this kind of government overreach.
On this issue, those warnings turned out to be right.


The Narrative That Justified the Crackdown

The entire system of restrictions rests on one claim:

Prescription pain medication caused the overdose crisis.

That claim has been repeated so often that many people assume it must be true.

But the government’s own data tells a different story.

According to CDC, NCHS, and NIDA mortality statistics, prescription-involved overdose deaths rose in the early 2000s, peaked around 2010, and then leveled off or declined. Meanwhile, total overdose deaths continued to rise dramatically, driven not by prescriptions, but by illicit drugs — especially fentanyl.

Consider the shift:

  • In 1999, synthetic opioids like fentanyl were involved in fewer than 1,000 deaths.

  • By 2023, synthetic opioids were involved in tens of thousands of deaths per year.

  • Prescription-involved deaths remained relatively stable after their peak.

Even at their highest point, prescription deaths were only a fraction of total overdose deaths.

The modern overdose crisis was not driven by chronic-pain patients or their doctors.

It was driven by the illegal drug market.


The Real Crisis: Fentanyl, Meth, Cocaine, and Polysubstance Deaths

The pattern over the last twenty-five years is clear.

Prescription deaths rose early, then plateaued.
Heroin deaths rose for a time, then declined.
Synthetic fentanyl exploded.
Stimulant deaths surged.
Polysubstance deaths became the norm.

Methamphetamine deaths increased more than thirty-fold since the late 1990s.
Cocaine deaths rose sharply after the mid-2010s.
A majority of overdose deaths now involve more than one drug.

CDC reports show that many stimulant deaths also involve fentanyl, meaning people are not dying from one substance, but from unpredictable mixtures in the illicit supply.

This is a poisoned-drug crisis, not a prescription-drug crisis.

Yet policy did not focus on the illegal market.

Instead, it focused on the easiest target:

Doctors and patients who were following the law.


Chronic Pain Patients Became Collateral Damage

As the crackdown intensified, the people who suffered most were not criminals.

They were chronic-pain patients.

People with spinal injuries.
People with nerve damage.
People with degenerative disease.
People with cancer.
People who simply wanted to live without constant agony.

Many had been stable for years under responsible medical care.

Then the rules changed.

Doctors were pressured to cut doses.
Pharmacies refused to fill prescriptions.
Insurance companies denied coverage.
Patients were labeled high-risk simply for needing treatment.

Some were forced into withdrawal.
Some turned to the street out of desperation.
Some lost the ability to work, function, or live normally.
Some did not survive.

All of this happened while overdose deaths kept rising.

When policy hurts innocent people without solving the problem, conservatives should ask a simple question:

Why is government doing this at all?


Medical Freedom Is a Conservative Principle

The Republican Party has long stood for limited government, individual liberty, and respect for personal responsibility. Those principles should apply to healthcare as much as to any other area of life.

Medical freedom means:

Patients should make decisions with their doctors.
Guidelines should not become mandates.
Physicians should not practice in fear of regulators.
States should not surrender authority to federal bureaucracy.
Policy should be based on facts, not panic.

These principles are not radical.

They are consistent with everything conservatives say they believe.

And they point toward reforms that restore balance instead of expanding control.


A Conservative Approach to Reform

Policy discussions in Texas and elsewhere are increasingly focused on restoring the proper balance between safety and freedom.

Proposals being discussed include protections for the doctor-patient relationship, limits on corporate and bureaucratic interference, stronger due-process protections for physicians, safeguards for patient privacy, and recognition of the state’s authority to regulate medical practice under the Tenth Amendment.

These ideas do not promote abuse.

They promote responsibility.

They recognize that adults should be treated like adults, and doctors like professionals, not suspects.

They reflect a simple principle:

Government should not stand between a suffering patient and lawful medical care.


Time for Conservatives to Reclaim This Issue

For too long, the debate over pain treatment has been framed as a choice between public safety and personal freedom.

That is a false choice.

We can fight illegal drugs without punishing legitimate patients.
We can reduce overdoses without destroying the doctor-patient relationship.
We can protect communities without turning federal agencies into the nation’s medical supervisors.

Conservatives should not be afraid to say this.

Freedom does not stop at the exam-room door.

And if we truly believe in limited government, personal responsibility, and individual liberty, then defending the rights of chronic-pain patients is not a liberal issue, not a partisan issue, and not a fringe issue.

It is a conservative one.

- James Scott Trimm 

Disclosure:The author serves as President of P.A.R.T. Texas, a 501(c)(4) nonprofit organization defending the rights of chronic pain patients and the physicians who treat them. He has been involved in conservative political activism in Texas for more than forty years and previously served as a legislative staffer.